Caribbean Civilization

Lecture Lesson IV IV. Race, Nationalism, Independence, Dependence and Regionalism. The genesis of compoundism in the Caribbean and how it has taken stem turn in the semipolitical, sociable and economic institutions. Race and affiliate and how they both bewilder to shape the social, political and economic landscape of the Caribbean.Explain and understand how these forces work to assign the mosaic of Caribbean society, for example, how they resonate and reinforce rigid institutional hierarchies in education, administration and religion and they have been the major determinants of stratification and social identity in the region since colonization. Can we divorce feed and branch from nationalism? Students be then asked to provide an answer to this. What is plantation society and why is liquid so important to Caribbean society.How race, class and nationalism argon bound up in the legacy of the plantation society created by the colonizers. For example features of orchard Socie ty are keeping colonial peoples technologically deficient maintaining colonial peoples as producers of primary raw materials keeping colonial peoples bound to the induce country through the policy of trade exclusivism limited horizontal linkages amidst the colonies except through the British government activity The legacy of colonialism has shaped coeval politics in the region.It has led to among other things the establishment of a saturation hierarchy white over brown over black. And, it has been institutionalised by the political systems in the region. The Comprador Bourgeoisie In the English-speaking Caribbean, the landowning class owed commitment ultimately to the metropolis, even though it might have disagreed on busy policies implemented in the colonies or on the correct system of government to be pursued. More than economic inte reliefs, the plantocracy by the end of the nineteenth snow was united in defence of its whiteness. The nation states of the region ar e slake struggling to establish sovereignty. This is partly because key roles in decision-making are appease assigned to the metropolitan state, to international organizations or to elites allied to external markets, who find out the moundes of the region non as fellow citizens but as chemical groups to be excluded from society and the polity. In these circumstances, nation-building is incomplete. catch the rise of the nationalist class with strong family connections and class cleavages and how they usurped the role of the working class and their access to power.As such even though the nationalists led us towards independence political parties are lifelessness controlled by the middle class, who are often financed by unavowed capital and save using as voting support the mass of the people who are still basically apathetic and alienated from government. 1 finds that much of government time is still taken up with politicking the community. Examine the role of the nationali sts in relation to independence as these contested groups are in conflict as they seek to exclude others from membership.Examine the contradictions within this group as they serve to reinforce dependent relations manifested through merged groupings such as the comprador bourgeoisie. Independence did not usually result in radical channelises in the lives of the majority. Hierarchies were reproduced, just deracialised in the Caribbean. In many cases, the change was mostly a matter of Ameri back tooth born whites replacing the British born whites or western hemisphere Indian intelligentsia, replacing the British colonials. parliamentary constitutions were facades. policy-making and economic power still remained concentrated in the manpower of a few linked by class, ethnicity and religion.Examine whether independence is genuine or not. Look at the notion of neo-colonialist tendencies that exist for example The economies are still controlled from outside and therefore important dec isions on the use of resources the distributions of wealth and alien policy is largely too controlled from outside. Constitutional reality does not everlastingly coincide with political reality. The territories of the westward Indies still exhibit characteristics of rigidly severalize societies with gross inequalities of wealth and status and an alarming and growing state of unemployment boilers suit poverty and economic dependence. These countries independence did not usually result in radical changes in the lives of the majority. Rather, hierarchies were reproduced, just deracialised in the Caribbean. The change was mostly a matter of American born whites replacing the British born whites. popular constitutions were facades. Political and economic power still remained concentrated in the hands of a few linked by class, ethnicity and religion. In light, of the above come across if independence is a facade. -Can there be a true West Indian identity since the Caribbean is co nstructed on faulty premises? What is it within our thinker that has impeded so natural and so necessary a suppuration in the West Indies? -Look at how race and class and nationalism twist and how they have helped to undermine more genuine attempts at forging a Caribbean identity. Examine why a West Indian identity is searing to the realization of any integration movement. Outline the negative reasons of what could happen if we do not forge a Caribbean region that draws on our collective aptitude through unity and for a common brotherhood and enlightened nationalism.How can we best improve our society such as governments role in involving the people of the region through not only informing them but also fully involving them in the processes of decision-making on the forms of political unity. For example That the forms of regional unity do not merely shoot down social inequality and economic justice but improve our capability to alter them and provide machinery that will ma ke an obligation to do so effectively. We moldiness have a commitment to the ideal of nationhood and a capability n the part of that leadership to generate that commitment throughout our communities. We must be ready to act in pursuit of that commitment of a regional identity along with those within the region who share that commitment and resolution. But in so acting we must make free that we proceed on no basis of divisiveness or of exclusion. While it is the responsibleness of government to initiate action it is essential that the people of the region shall not merely be fully informed but fully tortuous in the processes of decision-making.That the forms of unity do not merely institutionalize social inequality and economic justice but improve our capability to redress them and provide machinery that will make an obligation to do so effectively. program line becomes important, but not just any type of education scientific reclamation and revitalisation We must be able t o see ourselves not only as a people with rhythm but also with reason, and intellect. We have to instill in our curriculum scientific technology for a new age. Examine the notion that one of the hallmarks of colonialism was to give to the colonies whatever was old in Europe.And we still find developed countries shipping their discards to the world they helped underdevelop and we must therefore study the latest technologies and teach them in our schools. The chafe provided other examples which students may wish to research. Drawing on the history of race and class and nationalism and independence and regional integration, it seems clear that any West Indian identity that does not stand on a regional base of social equality and economic justice does not rest on sure foundations and will not survive the stress of essential social upheaval and the shifting sands of uneven regional development. References Beckford, G. (1972) intractable Poverty, New York Oxford University Press. Ha ll, K. (2001) The Caribbean Community Beyond Survival, Kingston IRP. James, CLR, (1962) The Middle Classes, in Lowenthal, D. and Comitas L. (1973) Consequences of Class and Colour West Indian Perspectives, New York Anchor Books. Levitt, K. and Witter, M. (1996) The Critical customs of Caribbean Political Economy, Jamaica IRP. Manley, M. (1982) Struggle in the Periphery, London Heineman Munroe, T. (1985) Introduction to Politics, Jamaica UWI. Nkruhmah, K. (1965) Neo-Colonialism The Last defend of Imperialism, London Nelson. Payne, A. and Sutton, P. (1984) Dependency under Challenge The Political Economy of the landed estate Caribbean, Manchester. Ryan, S. (1972) Race and Nationalism in Trinidad and Tobago, Toronto University of Toronto Press. Stone, C. (1971) Decolonisation and Political Change in Jamaica and Trinidad, USA Sage Publications. Sunshine, C. (1996) The Caribbean, Survival, Struggle and Sovereignty, Washington Epicon. Watson, H. ed. (1994) The Caribbean in the Global Political Economy, Jamaica IRP. Williams, E. (1970) From Columbus to Castro, New York Harper and Row.